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Sean GURD Punctuating Plato, Embodied Philosophy

               Ancient texts of Plato's dialogues contained either no indication of speaker-change  or a minimal system of punctuation (usually dicolon accompanied by a paragraphos) to indicate when one speech ended and another began. It is unlikely that lists of characters were given at the top of scrolls. In some papyri there are signs of individual readers marking their texts where they believed a speaker-change occurred; in other papyri divergent opinions on the question of what lines should be attributed to what character led to substantial changes in the wording of the dialogues. These clues, together with evidence gathered from later MSS and the history of dialogue-writing, allow us to construct a detailed picture of the kinds of activities and thought-processes a serious and scholarly reader might have been engaged in when s/he sat down to read a Platonic text.

               There were two distinct but interrelated forms of reading throughout much of antiquity: the first was a communal, public and oral form of reading in which members of the cultured elite shared and discussed literary and philosophical works, in the process forging and reinforcing their sense of community; and the second was a solitary, concentrated form of reading (this kind of reading Philo of Alexandria referred to as an askesis or contemplative practise). The former is well-attested from literary sources such as Plutarch and Pliny the Younger. The latter, while not unattested in such sources, has left significant traces on papyri, in the form of reader's indications of speaker-change. These remains are well-documented, but their philosophical significance, and their importance for what Stock ("La connaisance de soi," Collège de France, 1998) called the history of self-consciousness, have not been extensively explored.

               I contend that, in the process of analysing the Platonic logos in order to approve a previous scholar's division of the text into speakers, or (in those cases where there was no scribal indication of speaker-change) to determine who said what,  ancient readers were compelled to engage in an activity that corresponded precisely to what Plato referred to as dialectics. In effect, the reader was required to engage in a dialectical analysis and synthesis of the Platonic logos. Reading Plato was a form of embodied philosophy, in which the literary text provoked an initial exercise in dialectical thought. It seems likely that Plato may have been aware of this implication, as an analysis of a number of passages (most notably in the Sophist and the Republic) makes clear. In addition to elucidating a number of passages in the Platonic corpus, the thesis that scholarly preparation of a Platonic MS was a form of embodied philosophy illuminates a number of later practises in neo-Platonism, for example Proclus' concern with correct punctuation and pronunciation of the Timaeus.

               My position distinguishes itself from other arguments about the pedagogical role of Plato's dialogues (for example that Plato's dialogues enact oral modes of argumentation in order to foster similar ones in his readers) by emphasizing, not the reader's imitation of characters and their actions, but the reader's embodiment of a philosophical process s/he may not have recognised until s/he had made considerable progress in it. In other words: before a reader could discern individual characters well enough to contemplate imitating them, s/he would already have been involved in extensive dialectical activity.  The activities involved in carefully reading a Platonic dialogue forced on the reader a strong ergonomic prejudice in favour of the positive doctrines outlined in the "later dialogues." This argument strongly suggests that the relationship between the dialogues as "drama" and the dialogues as containers of a positive philosophical program needs to be reassessed.

 

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